1711년 조선통신사 <등성행렬도>의 정사 행렬에 사용된 의물 과 형명 중에서 의물인 절(節)ㆍ월(鉞), 형명인 둑[纛]ㆍ형명기(形 名旗)ㆍ청도기(淸道旗)ㆍ순시기(巡視旗)ㆍ영기(令旗)의 형태와 특징 을 고찰한 것이다. 조선시대 월은 삼지창 아래에 홍색 상모가 있는 구조이다. 절은 주체의 상부에 창날이 없고, 4개의 기둥이 있는 구형으로 왕의 수 정장과 유사한 형태일 가능성을 제시하였다. 둑은 조선에서 처음 둑제가 시작된 1393년에 홍색 둑과 흑색 둑을 만들어 제사를 지냈다. 군영에서도 『악학궤범』에 보이는 홍 대둑과 흑소둑 양식이 유지되다가, 조선 후기에 홍색 둑은 국왕만 사용하였다. 형명기는 조선시대 군사 깃발에 없어서, 깃발에 그려진 용과 구 름에 준해서 『국조오례의서례』의 대장기(大將旗)와 가장 유사하다 고 보았다. 형명기는 조선 후기에 명대 병서 『기효신서』와 대기치 의 영향으로 홍색 상모와 삼지창이 추가되었다. 정사의 청도기는 청색 바탕에 ‘청도(淸道)’ 두 글자가 있고, 홍 색 화염각이 있다. 순시기는 청색 바탕에 ‘순시(巡視)’ 두 글자가 있고, 위에는 창날이 있다. 영기는 청색 바탕에 홍색 ‘령(令)’ 자가 있고, 위에는 창날이 있다. 순시기와 영기의 사용자를 왕과 군영으 로 구분한 것은 1734년(영조 10)이었다. 깃대에 깃발의 위치를 고정하는 방식을 정리하였다. 깃대에 깃 발의 위에서 첫 번째 끈과 마지막 끈이 닿는 지점에 광두정을 박 고, 깃발의 위에서 첫 번째 끈과 마지막 끈을 광두정에 걸어서 묶 음으로써 깃발의 위치를 고정하였다. 이상의 결과가 1711년 조선통신사 <등성행렬도>에 대한 이해를 돕고, 조선통신사 행렬 재현행사와 콘텐츠 제작에 활용될 것으로 기대한다.

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A study of the form and characteristics ceremonial objects and flags used in procession of chief envoy in painting of ‘procession to Edo castle’ in 1711. In the Joseon Dynasty, the Wol is a structure with red tops under the trident. The Jeol had no spear blade on the upper part of the main body and had a spherical shape with four pillars, suggesting the possibility of a similar shape to the king’s Sujeongjang. Dug made a red Dug and a black Dug in 1393, when the first ritual of dug was started in Joseon. The red large Dug and black small Dug styles were maintained in the military camp, but only the king used the red large Dug in the late Joseon Dynasty. The flag of Hyeongmyeong was not found in the military flag of the Joseon Dynasty, so it was considered to be the most similar to the flag of Daejang in the early Joseon Dynasty according to the dragons and clouds drawn on the flag. The flag of Hyeongmyeong was influenced by the influence of Kihyoshinseo and Daegichi during the late Joseon Dynasty, and a red top hat and trident were added. Chief Envoy’s the flag of Cheongdo has two letters ‘淸道’ on a blue background, and a red cloth is padded on three sides of the flag. The flag of Sunsi has two letters ‘巡視’ on a blue background and a spear blade on top. The flag of Yeong has one letter ‘令’ on a blue background and a spear blade on top. It was in 1734 that the division of flag of Sunsi and flag of Yeong users into kings and military camp. The method of fixing the position of the flag to the flagpole has been summarized. The flagpole is nailed with a semicircular head at the point where the first and last strings meet on the top of the flag. The position of the flag was fixed by hooking the first and last strings to the top of the flag and tying it to a nail with a semicircular head. It is expected that the above results will help the understanding of the Painting of ‘Procession to Edo Castle’ in 1711 and will be used for the reproduction event of the Joseon Tongsinsa procession and content production.

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경인년(1350) 이후 한반도에 왜구 침략이 급증하여 그 피해가 커지자, 고려정부는 포획한 왜구와 피로인을 통해 정보를 수집하 여 1366년부터 대일 외교교섭을 본격적으로 전개했다. 당초에는 무로마치 막부[室町幕府]에 대해 금적(禁賊)이나 피로인 송환 교 섭을 하였으나, 1377년부터는 왜구 근거지에 직접 영향력을 행사 할 수 있는 쥬고쿠[中國]․규슈[九州]지방의 유력자들에게 외교력 을 집중해 갔다. 종래부터 조선국왕이 ‘일본국왕[幕府將軍]’에게 신의를 통하기 위해 파견한 ‘통신사(通信使)’가 주목받아 왔는데, 그 전사(前史)로 14세기 후반의 대일 외교 사절이 검토되어 왔다. 본고에서는 고려 말․조선 초기의 대일 외교사절과 외교교섭을 중심으로 검토해, 사절의 명칭과 함께 여일(麗日)․조일(朝日) 간의 왜구 인식과 그 대응에 대해 구체적으로 검토해 양국 관계의 일단을 재조명했다.

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Since 1350(庚寅年), the invasion of Waegu on the Korean Peninsula has skyrocketed. In Goryeo Government, when the damage became large, information was collected through the captured Waegu and the prisoners, and negotiations with Japan began in earnest from 1366. Initially, the Joseon side was negotiating with the Muromachi Shogunate to crack down on Waegu and repatriate Waegu prisoners. However, around 1377, the amount of diplomatic power was concentrated on the influential people in Cyuugoku and Kyushu, where there are many bases of Waegu. Regarding negotiations with Japan since the 14th century, the “Tonshinsa”(通信使) dispatched by the King of Goryeo and Joseon to the ‘King of Japan’(幕府將軍)has been attracting attention. As a premise, cases of dispatching diplomatic missions in the latter half of the 14th century have been considered. This study focuses on diplomatic negotiations and envoys to Japan in the late Goryeo and early days of Joseon. Along with the name of the envoy, we specifically examined the recognition of Waegu in Japan and Joseon, the negotiations with Japan on the Joseon side, and the response on the Japanese side.

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이 글은 조선인 이원찬이 그린 호랑이 그림에 관한 연구이다. 한국과 일본, 독일 3국으로 각각 1점씩 흩어진 이원찬의 <호도> 는 현재 한국 국립해양박물관, 일본 오사카역사박물관, 독일 베를 린 국립아시아미술관에 소장되어 있다. 이원찬과 그의 작품 <호도>에 대한 기록은 19세기 일본 에도 시대 편찬된 『고화비고』, 『조선서화전』에서이다. 여기에서 중요한 세 가지의 단서를 보여주고 있다. 첫째, 16세기 영모화의 대가 이암 화풍과의 유사성이 언급된 점이다. 둘째, 그림의 바탕재료가 비 단[絹]이라는 점이다. 셋째, 해당 작품을 한국 그림으로 인정한 내 용이다. 2장에서는 개 그림을 주로 그려 남긴 이암과 <호도>를 그린 이원찬의 작품을 비교하겠다. 이를 통해서 『조선서화전』에서 이들의 화풍을 유사하게 본 근거를 살펴보겠다. 3장에서는 한국ㆍ 일본ㆍ독일에 소장된 이원찬 <호도>의 소장경위를 상세히 밝히겠 다. 더불어 한국ㆍ일본ㆍ독일 소장된 작품의 크기, 장황여부 등 현 상도 함께 분석하겠다. 이원찬의 작품은 현재 한국과 일본 연구자 에게 가장 먼저 알려진 일본 오사카역사박물관 소장본의 <호도>, 2019년 부산광역시 유형문화재 제208호에 지정된 국립해양박물 관 소장의 포효하는 <호도>, 독일 베를린 국립아시아미술관 소장 의 앞발 핥는 <맹호도> 등 3점이 있다. 4장에서는 3국에 소장된 <호도>의 회화적 특성을 비교하여 분석하겠다. 이원찬의 <호도>연구는 호랑이와 호랑이의 배경으로 나눠서 진 행하려 한다. 이 글에서 호랑이에 관한 연구사를 담았다면, 다음 논문은 호랑이를 둘러싼 배경에 대한 논의가 될 것이다. 그리고 이를 바탕으로 앞으로의 연구 과제를 설정하도록 하겠다.

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This paper investigates the tiger paintings of Joseon artist Lee Won-chan (李元粲, ?~?), a 17th-century painter. Three of his paintings remain, and they all depict the tiger. His tiger paintings are displayed in Korea at the Korea National Maritime Museum, in Japan at the Osaka Museum of History in Japan, and in Germany at the Museum of Asia Berlin Germany. This is the first paper to research these three tiger paintings by Lee Won-chan and introduce them to academic circles. There are three brief but important clues about Lee Won-chan’s tiger paintings in Gohwabigo (Volumes 50-51), which were published in Japan in the 19th century during the Edo period and in Joseonseohwajeon. First, the records mention similarities in the style of painting between Lee Won-chan and Lee Am (李巖, 1507∼1566), who was a painter for the royal family of Joseon in the 16th century. Second, silk was used for his tiger paintings. Third, records recognize Lee Woo-chan’s paintings as Korean paintings. Chapter II compares the paintings by Lee Am, who usually painted dogs and cats, with the tiger paintings by Lee Won-chan, establishing a basis for their similarities in style as mentioned in Joseonseohwajeon. Chapter III offers details about how his tiger paintings were kept in Korea, Japan and Germany, compares the tiger paintings in these three countries with the records stating that they were painted on silk in Joseonseohwajeon and analyzes them in size and Janghwang conditions. Chapter IV expects future efforts to supplement and examine his tiger paintings that are recognized as Korean paintings. His work includes Tiger Painting housed at the Osaka Museum of History in Japan, which was the first known to Korean and Japanese researchers, another depicting a roaring tiger housed at the Korea National Maritime Museum and designated as No. 208 of Busan Metropolitan City’s Tangible Cultural Asset in 2019, and the last depicting a tiger licking his front paw housed at the Museum of Asia Berlin Germany. His tiger paintings from these three countries were compared and analyzed in pictorial characteristics. Lee Won-chan’s “Hodo” study will be divided into the background of tigers and tigers. If this article contains a history of research on tigers, the next paper will discuss the background surrounding tigers. And based on this, we will establish future research projects.

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Fukuoka-Han received Chosenchusinsi 11 times at Ainosima, it is commonly accepted that Chosenchusinsi was entertained at Yudaitei(『有待亭』) on the ridge of a mountain by old folks of Ainosima. But the travels of Chosenchusinsi and the pictures of Li-Senglin(Saroshenggudo, 『槎路勝区図』) and the picture of Iwakuni-Hanshi(Ainosimazu, 『藍島図』) expressed the place of the lodgings which was located near almost 5minutes from the seashore, therefore the Education committee of Zingucho had doubts about the correct place of the lodgings. The committee excavated the remains on 1995, they finally found out that the site was the southwest of Ainosima. After that time, the ZinguchoChosi Compilation Committee posed a problem that the entertainment of Chosenchusinsi from the 1st to the 6th of Edo-period was at Yudaitei(『有待亭』) on the ridge of a mountain such as oral tradition of the old folks. This paper would uncover that the Lodgings had been near seashore of the southwest of Ainosima from the beginning by many-sided analysis such as the 4th and the 6th travels of Chosenchusinsi. It was commonly accepted that Kamei- Soyou named Yudaitei(『有待亭』) of the retired place of Yoshimura-Josuke by now, but kamei-Namei which was the father of Kamei-Soyou named with analyzing Yudaiteiki(『有待亭記』). The reception of Chosenchusinsi demand considerable sacrifice to people of Ainosima, therefore Chosenchusinsi would not be circulated. The reason would be some impact that Meiji Governmenet demand the teacher a tributary state with the textbook, and Chosenchusinsi was not written at the textbook from 1945 to 1975 year. But the stories of Chosenchusinsi were commended greatly at the documents and ruins and festival. This time, the all lodgings of Chosenchusinsi was found out the southwest of Ainosima from 1st to 11th. The problem awaiting a solution would be the chronometry of broken pieces of ceramics and so on.

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The purpose of this study was to research official uniforms that Kim Yi-gyo wore when he headed Shinmi Tongshinsa, a diplomatic mission to Japan in 1811. Those uniforms had three types, Jobok, Sangbok Heuk-danryeong and Sibok Hong-danryeong, which were respectively a court dress, a costume required when doing government affairs and a clothing worn at occasional state events. For the purpose, the study inspected relevant literature, artifacts and paintings that still remain in Korea or Japan. The findings of this study can be summarized in the following. Materials that provide information about official clothes which Kim Yi-gyo wore when he was delegated to Japan in 1811 as chief of Shinmi Tongshinsa include publications like 『Shinmi Tongshin Ilok』 and 『Dongsarok』, remains of Jobok unearthed from Kim Yi-gyo’s grave, some Korean portraits of Heuk-danryeong and Hong-danryeong, and some Japanese paintings of figures wearing Jobok, Heuk-danryeong or Hong-danryeong. These materials are informative of how Kim Yi-gyo individually dressed himself for official purposes. More notably, they provide clues that help get a better knowledge of costumes and their developments for Korean officials of the early 19th century. When Kim Yi-gyo headed Shinmi Tongshinsa for Japan in 1811, he wore official uniforms according to the then dress codes applied to Dangsanggwan or officials who were in the position of so-called Jeong Sampum or higher. When in Japan during the mission, more specifically, he wore Jobok at Gukseo Jeonmyeonghee and Suhoe Dapseoeui, which meant the formal events of delivering state messages and receiving responsive ones. Meanwhile, he wore a hat called Samryangkwan and a belt, Sapeundae as well. When in Gwanbaek Yeonhyangeui, that is, a banquet host by the Japanese monarch, Kim Yi-gyo officially dressed himself with Sangbok Heuk-danryeong or, in more detail, Danryeong threaded with thick-green Unbomun meaning cloud patterns. At the same time, he had Ssanghak Hyungbae patched on the front and back of the official uniform. And he also wore Sapeundae, a hat with wave patterns or Moirre fringe, and a black footwear. When invited to a feast event, especially Haseon Yeoneui during the visit to Japan, his official uniform was Sibok Hong-daneyong which was Danryeong made with rose-pink threads. That uniform didn’t have Hyungbae patched on it. Hopefully, this study provides basic information useful for making an illustration or real-life replication of official uniforms that Kim Yi-gyo wore as chief of Shinmi Tongshinsa in 1811.

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