πle purpose of this study is to examine how Chawae( 差慶)， diplomatic envoying in late Joseon, started and its reception rules and also investigate how the reception rules of Chawae about Tongsinsa among the types of Chawae changed in two periods. The Chawae System began simultaneously with the dispatch of Tongsinsa in 1636 after the lncident of National Official Document Adapted in Tsusima. After that , under the name of diplomatic affairs , many types of Chawae were dispatched to Joseon, and among them, Chawae about Tongsinsa had one thing in common as it was the come-and-go of the kings' envoys of the two countries. Among the types of Chawae, Chawae about Tongsinsa included Tongsinsa-cheongraechawae , Tongsinsa-hohaengchawae, Tongsinsahohwanchawae , Tongsinsa-cheongtoechawae, Naesedangsongsinsachawae, and Tongsinsa-uijeongchawae. Among them, the types of Chawae dispatched for Tongsinsa always and periodically were Tongsinsa-cheongraechawae(Chawae coming to ask for Tongsins) , Tongsinsa-hohaengchawae(αlawaet와예19 Tongsinsa) , and Tongsinsahohwanchawae( Chawae coming to bring Tongsinsa). The reception rules of all types of Chawae including Chawae about Tongsinsa can be exarnined largely in two periods. The first period is the year of 1636 and after that when eopwigwan’s reception began, and the second period is the year of 1682 and after that when there was dispatch of Tongsinsa. In the first period, reception rites were maintained, and at the same time , unlike Yeonryesongsa, ]eopwigwan was dispatched additionally to Chawae , so it can be regarded as the period that the reception rites of Chawae came to be regularized. Here, Chawae about Tongsinsa belonged to Daechawae, but not all were received by Gyeongjeopwigwan. It means that Gyeongjeopwigwan and Hyangjeopwigwan were dispatched to provide reception properly in consideration of the situations of ]oseon or the characteristics of Chawae. The second period is the one that they were moved to Choryangwaegwan and then the reception rules of ]apanese envoys were revised. With the envoying of Tongsinsa in 1682, Daechawae was clearly distinguished from Sochawae. Accordingly, Chawae was divided into Daechawae and Sochawae and received differently. In particular, Tongsinsahohwanchawae came to be included in the reception of Daechawae completely after that and received by Gyeongjeopwigwan. This study has exarnined the reception to see how the reception of Chawae is related to the siatus o[ Tongsinsa. As a result, this author has found several cases in which the envoying of Tongsinsa was more valued than the reception of Chawae in many aspects, which tells us that both ]oseon and ]apan regarded the status of Tongsinsa higher.

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Around 1710, the Tokugawa Shogunate saw the change of three Shoguns in a span of 10 years. Accordingly, Ryukyu sent delegations in 1710, 1714, and 1718 while the Joseon dynasty sent the Tongsinsa ambassadors to Edo in 1711 and 1719. A total of 5 foreign delegations and envoys were sent in a period of ten years, and the national literature which the delegations and envoys caπied with them were a subject of diplomatic friction which flared up but ultimately calmed down. The literature of the Joseon Tongsinsa in 1711 contained mentions of a Wangho(王號) issue and Pihwi(避譯) incident. The Wangho issue arose when the Shogunate reQuested the Shogun’s title be changed from the previous wording of ‘大君’ to ‘ 日本國王’. Additionally, the Pihwi incident happened when Joseon reQuested that the character ‘↑뚫’， which was included in the birth n없ne of the 11th king of Joseon Jungjong( 中宗)， be omitted from texts in Japanese literature. At this reQuest the Shogunate demanded that Joseon modify their own literature and take out the character 光， as this letter was in the name of a past Shogun, Tokugawa Iemitsu[ 德川家光]. Ultirnately , Joseon modified its national lite rature two times and the Shogunate their’s once. These modified versions were exchanged at Tsushirna [對馬] during the Tongsi nsa’s retum journey. In 1714 Ryukyu also sent their own delegation to Edo. The king of Ryukyu sent work of their national literature to Edo, but the recipient was not the Shogun but the Rõjü [老中]. For this literature, the Rõjü Abe Masat때a[ 阿部正홈] stated the words ‘貴 國’， ‘大君’， and ‘台聽’ were not used correctly. Al though Ryukyu explained that the words connoted a sense of respect, the Rõj디 asked for words with more rigid definitions. Fortunately this literature incident did not involve strained diplornatic relations as the Joseon literature incident , and henceforth the literature of the king of Ryukyu changed his wording style from a chinese based structure to a more Japanese one. However , it should be noted that a Ryukyu delegation visited Edo 4 years ago in 1710, and at that time , the words ‘貴國’， ‘大 君’， and ‘台聽’ were used without controversy from the Shogunate. Additionally the character ’宣’， which was part of the 6th Shogun’s name(德川家宣)， was used without any problem from the Shogunate in the words such as ‘不宣’. At the center of many reasons of why word choices became an issue in 1711 and 1714 , and not 1710, is Arai H와mseki[新井白石]. When he c 하ne into a powerful position with the ascendency of 6th Shogun Tokugawa Ienobu , Arai Ha kuseki modified many regulations and structures regar이ng the Tongsinsa delegation. For the Ryukyu delegation in 1710, Arai Hakuseki ’s amendment could not be passed on in time , and more specifically, because his amendment was targeted toward the Joseon Tongsinsa, it did not cause complications with the Ryukyu literature. However, after 1711, when the amendment had officially affected Joseon’s diplomatic literature, Ryukyu ’s diplomatic literature was also subject to the new protocols and minor troubles occurred. Like his hasty amendment , the fall of Arai Hakuseki was just as swift. In 1716, when the 7th Shogun Tokugawa Ietsugu died , Tokugawa Yoshimune , a person not of direct descent, became the 8 th Shogun. With this new ascendency, Arai Hakuseki , who had aided the Shogunate from the 6th Shogun Tokugawa Ienobu, left the political world. Subsequently, the literature of the Ryukyu delegation when they went to congratulate the new ascendency in 1718, and the literature of the Joseon Tongsinsa in 1719, went back to the forms before the time of Arai Hakuseki.

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12 times of Korean envoys who visited Japan during the Edo period were important diplomatic missions. When the Korean envoys came, the Edo shogunate ordered the lords in various places to host them. Fukuoka-Han hosted 11 times of envoys at Ainoshima(currently Shingu Town, Kasuya gun, Fukuoka prefecture) except for the 12th envoy in 1811. The reception of the Fukuoka-Han was subject to research from the Taisho period. The five times record of the reception is finely remained from the 7th(1682) to the 11th(1763). We must refer to these studies that were made by Mr. Hidetoshi Miyake and Mr. Shigehiro Takada. As a result of them, the receptions were elucidated in the 7th and 9th(1719), 11th. 1 have elucidated the 8th (1711). For the 1 Oth( 1748) reception, in this manuscript 1 clarified as follows. Fukuoka-Han got informations that the envoys were coming to Japan in 1746, picked officials in charge, collected informations on reception. It was important to obtain accurate informations from the Edo shogunate, the Tsushima-Han, and many Hans that were in charge of reception. The most important things that 1 want to say are that the Fukuoka-Han made intimate relationships with the chief retainer of the Tsushima-Han and obtained informations , and sent emissaries to Tsushima for collecting informations. 1 think that the purpose was to reduce the burden of the Tsushima-Han and obtain accurate informations. However ih the llth(1 763), Fukuoka-Han did not gathered informations. These are the future issues. Messengers of many Hans went to Tsushima to collect informations before the 9th. Tsushima - Han has refused them. So 1 have to study how the messengers were getting the imformations for Tsushima-Han. Fukuoka-Han was ordered to reduce wasteful expenses from the Edo shogunate, and was also receiving advice from the chief retainer of Tsushima-Han. For about half a year, Fukuoka - Han had prepared the harbor and lodgings of Ainoshima since May 1747. They also gathered high quality foods from the territory but they were not enough. In addition, the Fukuoka-Han mobilized a large number of citizens. About 3 ,300 people were mobilized to the sailor, and about 500 ships were mobilized. Many people also mobilized for construction of facilities in Ainoshima. Reception of the 10th, the financial situation of the Fukuoka-Han was bad , so the burden on the people increased. In this way , the Fukuoka-Han prepared for reception with reference to the results of the previous reception and the information contents. This tendency continued to the 11th, so the reception for the 10th is said that the structure of the Fukuoka-Han was maturing. The correspondence of the Fukuoka-Han in the reception of the envoy of 10th will be posted as the second part in the next draft.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the formation background, composition and content, and the historical significance of cultural exchange between Korea and Japan for 『Joseon Pildamjib( 朝蘇筆談集)』. 『Joseon Pildamjib( 朝蘇筆談集)』 was written by Ishikawa Jozan(石 川文山)， when Joseon Tonsinsa( 朝蘇通信使) was dispatched to Japan in order to celebrate the age of peace and prosperity of Japan in 1636. IIJoseon Pilda꾀 ib~ was the sununary of content exchanged with the conversation by writing , poems and letters between Ishikawa Jozan(石) 11文山) and Gwon Chik(權때) who was on the way back and stayed at Kyoto(京都). Ishikawa Jozan had published IIJoseon Plidamjib( 朝蘇筆談集)~ for the purpose of showing off his literary talent to have the conversation by writing and exchange poems, and for the purpose of informing the evidence of writing competition against the representative writer of the Joseon(朝蘇) widely. Second, 『Joseon Pi ldamjib(朝蘇筆談集)』 is composed of four parts. However, due to the lack of the disceming eyes of the publisher , the classification standard of the item is not clear, so it is t와이ng a distracting configuration. Instead, it used the variety of literature types such as the conversation by writing, poems and letters, and it took the method of description using conversational style in the form of ‘ tell 때d answer’. So its writing feature is veη vivid , it seems to be in the veη place and moment of the conversation by writing. Third, the content of D"Joseon Pildamjib(朝蘇筆談集).1 is following. It is to build a consensus on poetη and to elevate the position of opponent, to identify the literary talent through poetry creation, to evaluate D" B비 an밍 ib(覆醫集).1， Ishikawa Jozan’ s poetry collection, and to reveal the definition of parting. Like this, D" Joseon Pilda때 ib(朝蘇筆談集).1 is the first publication of the conversation by writing that contains the content. of sharing friendship between two countries' writers through poems. Since then, it had become the exemplary pattem of exchanges between two countries' writers on the way of Tonsinsa( 通信使) 띠 siting. And the significance of cultural exchanges between Korea and Japan is in that the participants of the conversation by writing have shown their literary talent at home and abroad and have elevated their status.

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The purpose of this study was to research hats for pyeonbok that were worn by Joseon’s diplomatic delegate to Japan, that is, Tongsinsa since the 18th century, with references to the collection of conversations in writing and exchanged poems and paintings, literature, including Sahaengrok, and other paintings all of which are related to Tongsinsa. The findings of the study can be summarized as follows. First, the members of Tongsinsa that were delegated to Japan in the late Joseon Period included three leading officials or samsa, chief official interpreter or dangsang yeokgwan, general official interpreters or yeokgwan, high literary officials or jesulgwan, clerks or seogi, medical specialists or yangeui, physicians or euiwon, official dictators or sajagwan and official painters or hwawon. All these members wore pyeonbokpo when being on board at sea or staying at lodgings. At the same time, they wore hats for pyeonbok. Second, hats that the diplomatic delegates usually wore when dressed in pyeonbok include waryonggwan, jeongjagwan, dongpagwan, gohugwan, bokgeon, yeonyeopgwan, yukja unyeopgwan, banggwan, gosagwan, hwayanggeon and tanggeon. Among these, jeongjagwan, dongpagwan, gohugwan and tanggeon were often worn by delegate members of different positions. Third, the members of Tongsinsa prepared in advance hats for pyeonbok which allow them to properly appear themselves as Confucianists and keep easily with. Each member often carried a few of the hats and chose from them, whichever was more convenient. Fourth, the collection of conversations in writing and exchanged poems and paintings includes a relatively fewer conversations that samsa made in writing. Records about hats for pyeonbok that are found in that collection are only about waryonggwan and bokgeon. This is because it was in most cases jesulgwan, seogi, yangeui or euiwon who communicated with Japanese by writing. However, it is presumed that samsa also wore different types of hats for pyeonbok including waryonggwan and bokgeon.

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There is an art museum called Kiplin Hall in a small village of Yorkshire in North-England. The Kiplin Hall consists of a grand building(Jacobean House) built 400 years ago, beautiful gardens and wide grounds where sheep graze. The museum is filled with collections of artworks gathered in the 1920s by businessman Humphrey Talbot(1883-1944). It turned out that the collection there comprised work depicting Joseon Tongsinsa and their ships that never had been published before. It was a new discovery. The paintings related to Joseon Tongsinsa were displayed in two places in Kiplin Hall. The first place is a room where East Asian style works are displayed. There are four works on the wall where “Kawagozabune”(roofed river boats with tatami reserved for nobles) provided by Japan commonly seen in paintings depicting Joseon Tongsinsa’s ships(Group A). The paintings were cut out from their original picture scrolls and displayed in a picture frame. Another group of works are four pieces that are hung in the corridor. Like the works in the room, these were also cut out from picture scrolls(Group B). Especially in this work Group B the Korean persons and their ships were drawn in a way as I have never seen before in my research on Joseon Tongsinsa. Furthermore, there are no examples of works that drew Korean ships with such precision as these. How many pieces of picture scrolls were purchased by Humphrey Talbot and cut out to be put in picture frames to begin with? There is no record to this regard and it could only be clarified through the analysis of the works. It has not been clarified when, where, and why the works were purchased. Currently, there is an album with a photograph of a room of the Kiplin Hall, which is thought to have been taken after his death. In this room with a wall fireplace, a table and a chair, there are five Picture frames depicting a ship. In the explanation of the Picture frame "the Japanese paintings of ships" was written. This is the only record on these ships paintings. In this paper, since similar works already existed in Japan and Korea for the works of Group A, I could explore the details by comparing these works with the existing works. Regarding the works of group B, since these were completely new works, which I have never seen before, I analyzed the works by studying the depicted background mainly using dissertations etc. and at the same time I also focused attention on the paintings method of the persons and the ships. I hope that the discovery of these works in the UK will further develop the research on Joseon Tongsinsa.

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For 157 years, from Keicho(慶長) 12(1607) to Meiwa(明和) 1st (1764), on 23 occasions the Ryukyu Processional Delegation and the Korean Processional Envoys passed through Osaka and Nagoya to reach Edo. The Japanese people who observed these processions were able to distinguish the differences between the Ryukyu people and the Korean people. However, after the Meiwa (明和) 1st(1764), the delegation from Korea stopped coming to Osaka and Edo. For 86 years from Meiwa 1st year(1764) to Kaei(嘉永) 3rd year(1850), only the Ryukyuan delegation came to participate in the processions for a total of 9 times. In Japan, as memories of the Korean delegation processions faded away, the Japanese people found it more difficult to distinguish the Ryukyu people from the Korean people. The eyes of the professional painters were sharp, however, and they excelled in observing, depicting, and distinguishing such differences as the attire, behavior, and culture of the people in the Ryukyuan delegation and the Korean delegation. The Japanese people did not necessarily distinguish such differences because to the Japanese there was only a general awareness of “foreigners” and “foreign countries.” The country which most Japanese people were familiar with as a “foreign country” was “Ryukyu.” In the Japanese mind then, when drawing an illustration of "Ryukyu" it was not necessity to draw specific Ryukyuan images. People came to regard "foreigners” vaguely as “people from Tang(唐人)” During this time, the culture of Edo flourished; Kabuki plays were in fashion, and people read and purchased illustrated books in increasing numbers. International consciousness spread more widely among people as foreign countries became much more familiar and common among the general public. “The festival of Tang people(唐人祭り)” and “the people dance from Tang(唐人踊 り)” were handed down in various places in Japan. The term “people of Tang” will be discussed in more details later. In this paper, I describe a delegation from Korea which passed through Nagoya in Horeki(宝暦) 14th year, Meiwa(明和) 9th year, Bunka(文化) 4th year and Tenpo(天保) 3rd year. In particular, the way in which the procession was viewed by local spectators is clearly shown in an illustrated picture-book(drawn in Nagoya) in those days. Further, I explain how certain aspects of the Ryukyuan delegation and the Korean delegation may be confused or unintentionally misrepresented in illustrations.

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The sweet potato reached the Korean Peninsula from Tsushima island, in Japan, in 1763 and 1764, through Jo Eom, who led a Korean Embassy to Japan in the late Joseon period. In the Korean government text Seungjeongwon Ilgi it is written that in 1765 Yun Shi-dong, the Governor of Jeju Island, brought a sweet potato seed to Jeju island with the assistance of Gang Pil-lee, who was the Magistrate of Dongnae County, in Gyeongsang Province. And it was recorded in the Seungjeongwon Ilgi that Yun Shi-dong planted the sweet potato seed which had been sent by Jo Eom in 1767. From these documents, it can be confirmed that the sweet potato entered Jeju Island between 1765 and 1767. Jo Eom wrote in his diary that he met Korean drifters at Tsushima island in the sixth lunar month of 1764. They had been carried to Japan from Jeju two months earlier. According to Tsushima domain records of an investigation conducted on the fifth day of the fourth lunar month, Jeju drifters had been rescued by residents of Tsushima on the second day of the fourth lunar month, that is, three days earlier. The Jeju drifters included seven males and four females including one pregnant woman. The eleven Jeju drifters all returned to Joseon safely after the sixth lunar month of 1764. It is suggested in this paper that more attention should be paid to the experiences of the Jeju drifters who met Jo Eom in Tsushima in 1764, one or three years before the arrival of the sweet potato in Jeju between 1765 and 1767. It is clear that this problem will be solved by additional surveys on the early history of the sweet potato in the Korean peninsula.

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