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The purpose of this study was to research hats for pyeonbok that were worn by Joseon’s diplomatic delegate to Japan, that is, Tongsinsa since the 18th century, with references to the collection of conversations in writing and exchanged poems and paintings, literature, including Sahaengrok, and other paintings all of which are related to Tongsinsa. The findings of the study can be summarized as follows. First, the members of Tongsinsa that were delegated to Japan in the late Joseon Period included three leading officials or samsa, chief official interpreter or dangsang yeokgwan, general official interpreters or yeokgwan, high literary officials or jesulgwan, clerks or seogi, medical specialists or yangeui, physicians or euiwon, official dictators or sajagwan and official painters or hwawon. All these members wore pyeonbokpo when being on board at sea or staying at lodgings. At the same time, they wore hats for pyeonbok. Second, hats that the diplomatic delegates usually wore when dressed in pyeonbok include waryonggwan, jeongjagwan, dongpagwan, gohugwan, bokgeon, yeonyeopgwan, yukja unyeopgwan, banggwan, gosagwan, hwayanggeon and tanggeon. Among these, jeongjagwan, dongpagwan, gohugwan and tanggeon were often worn by delegate members of different positions. Third, the members of Tongsinsa prepared in advance hats for pyeonbok which allow them to properly appear themselves as Confucianists and keep easily with. Each member often carried a few of the hats and chose from them, whichever was more convenient. Fourth, the collection of conversations in writing and exchanged poems and paintings includes a relatively fewer conversations that samsa made in writing. Records about hats for pyeonbok that are found in that collection are only about waryonggwan and bokgeon. This is because it was in most cases jesulgwan, seogi, yangeui or euiwon who communicated with Japanese by writing. However, it is presumed that samsa also wore different types of hats for pyeonbok including waryonggwan and bokgeon.

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There is an art museum called Kiplin Hall in a small village of Yorkshire in North-England. The Kiplin Hall consists of a grand building(Jacobean House) built 400 years ago, beautiful gardens and wide grounds where sheep graze. The museum is filled with collections of artworks gathered in the 1920s by businessman Humphrey Talbot(1883-1944). It turned out that the collection there comprised work depicting Joseon Tongsinsa and their ships that never had been published before. It was a new discovery. The paintings related to Joseon Tongsinsa were displayed in two places in Kiplin Hall. The first place is a room where East Asian style works are displayed. There are four works on the wall where “Kawagozabune”(roofed river boats with tatami reserved for nobles) provided by Japan commonly seen in paintings depicting Joseon Tongsinsa’s ships(Group A). The paintings were cut out from their original picture scrolls and displayed in a picture frame. Another group of works are four pieces that are hung in the corridor. Like the works in the room, these were also cut out from picture scrolls(Group B). Especially in this work Group B the Korean persons and their ships were drawn in a way as I have never seen before in my research on Joseon Tongsinsa. Furthermore, there are no examples of works that drew Korean ships with such precision as these. How many pieces of picture scrolls were purchased by Humphrey Talbot and cut out to be put in picture frames to begin with? There is no record to this regard and it could only be clarified through the analysis of the works. It has not been clarified when, where, and why the works were purchased. Currently, there is an album with a photograph of a room of the Kiplin Hall, which is thought to have been taken after his death. In this room with a wall fireplace, a table and a chair, there are five Picture frames depicting a ship. In the explanation of the Picture frame "the Japanese paintings of ships" was written. This is the only record on these ships paintings. In this paper, since similar works already existed in Japan and Korea for the works of Group A, I could explore the details by comparing these works with the existing works. Regarding the works of group B, since these were completely new works, which I have never seen before, I analyzed the works by studying the depicted background mainly using dissertations etc. and at the same time I also focused attention on the paintings method of the persons and the ships. I hope that the discovery of these works in the UK will further develop the research on Joseon Tongsinsa.

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For 157 years, from Keicho(慶長) 12(1607) to Meiwa(明和) 1st (1764), on 23 occasions the Ryukyu Processional Delegation and the Korean Processional Envoys passed through Osaka and Nagoya to reach Edo. The Japanese people who observed these processions were able to distinguish the differences between the Ryukyu people and the Korean people. However, after the Meiwa (明和) 1st(1764), the delegation from Korea stopped coming to Osaka and Edo. For 86 years from Meiwa 1st year(1764) to Kaei(嘉永) 3rd year(1850), only the Ryukyuan delegation came to participate in the processions for a total of 9 times. In Japan, as memories of the Korean delegation processions faded away, the Japanese people found it more difficult to distinguish the Ryukyu people from the Korean people. The eyes of the professional painters were sharp, however, and they excelled in observing, depicting, and distinguishing such differences as the attire, behavior, and culture of the people in the Ryukyuan delegation and the Korean delegation. The Japanese people did not necessarily distinguish such differences because to the Japanese there was only a general awareness of “foreigners” and “foreign countries.” The country which most Japanese people were familiar with as a “foreign country” was “Ryukyu.” In the Japanese mind then, when drawing an illustration of "Ryukyu" it was not necessity to draw specific Ryukyuan images. People came to regard "foreigners” vaguely as “people from Tang(唐人)” During this time, the culture of Edo flourished; Kabuki plays were in fashion, and people read and purchased illustrated books in increasing numbers. International consciousness spread more widely among people as foreign countries became much more familiar and common among the general public. “The festival of Tang people(唐人祭り)” and “the people dance from Tang(唐人踊 り)” were handed down in various places in Japan. The term “people of Tang” will be discussed in more details later. In this paper, I describe a delegation from Korea which passed through Nagoya in Horeki(宝暦) 14th year, Meiwa(明和) 9th year, Bunka(文化) 4th year and Tenpo(天保) 3rd year. In particular, the way in which the procession was viewed by local spectators is clearly shown in an illustrated picture-book(drawn in Nagoya) in those days. Further, I explain how certain aspects of the Ryukyuan delegation and the Korean delegation may be confused or unintentionally misrepresented in illustrations.

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The sweet potato reached the Korean Peninsula from Tsushima island, in Japan, in 1763 and 1764, through Jo Eom, who led a Korean Embassy to Japan in the late Joseon period. In the Korean government text Seungjeongwon Ilgi it is written that in 1765 Yun Shi-dong, the Governor of Jeju Island, brought a sweet potato seed to Jeju island with the assistance of Gang Pil-lee, who was the Magistrate of Dongnae County, in Gyeongsang Province. And it was recorded in the Seungjeongwon Ilgi that Yun Shi-dong planted the sweet potato seed which had been sent by Jo Eom in 1767. From these documents, it can be confirmed that the sweet potato entered Jeju Island between 1765 and 1767. Jo Eom wrote in his diary that he met Korean drifters at Tsushima island in the sixth lunar month of 1764. They had been carried to Japan from Jeju two months earlier. According to Tsushima domain records of an investigation conducted on the fifth day of the fourth lunar month, Jeju drifters had been rescued by residents of Tsushima on the second day of the fourth lunar month, that is, three days earlier. The Jeju drifters included seven males and four females including one pregnant woman. The eleven Jeju drifters all returned to Joseon safely after the sixth lunar month of 1764. It is suggested in this paper that more attention should be paid to the experiences of the Jeju drifters who met Jo Eom in Tsushima in 1764, one or three years before the arrival of the sweet potato in Jeju between 1765 and 1767. It is clear that this problem will be solved by additional surveys on the early history of the sweet potato in the Korean peninsula.

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Japan’s representative famous mountain and guardian mountain of Edo, Mt. Fuji has been an object of attention by envoy members. The envoy members who saw Mt. Fuji themselves were arrested by the beautiful scenery and expressed their inspiration of seeing Mt. Fuji. In addition, in the process in which literary workers of two countries, Joseon and Japan exchanged written conversations and poems. They took Mt. Fuji as the topic of their poems or mentioned it. To the envoys in the late Joseon, the unique appearance of Mt. Fuji made by repeated volcanic activity and the white color caused by unmelted snow was an object of exploration. The unique atmosphere was a fairyland itself. So, the envoy members left poetry and prose expressing the beautiful scenes of Mt. Fuji, spread in front of their eyes as an enchanted land sometimes or alluding the mountains and streams of their homeland in various ways. Nevertheless, so far, it has been judged that the dispute on superiority between Joseon and Japan through the literary workers’ conversations and poems was like everything that the envoys found looking at Mt. Fuji. In addition, this study examined their views by the dichotomy whether the envoys in the late Joseon considered Mt. Fuji just a simple natural object or a fairyland. Of course, the envoys in the late Joseon were well informed of the previous records before leaving for Japan and recognized Japan based on the existing information. Thus, there are a lot of similar contents and expressions between the records in the previous generation and those in the later generation. Yet, there was more than that. To understand the aspects of Japan, different from Joseon, Japanese words were conceptualized for Joseon, and the natural features of the season in Japan was described, but they were expressed, alluding to objects familiar to Joseon intellectuals. Also, if an error was found in the records in the previous generation, they corrected it by asking questions with Japanese persons who could answer them or looking up Japanese books. In addition, they corrected it through their experience and tried to give objectivity to the expanded information. This was the way in which the envoys in the envoys in the late Joseon wrote the records. In addition, the way of writing of Records by the Envoys to Japan was also applied to recording what they saw and heard about Mt. Fuji as they were. Expressing Mt. Fuji not as ‘lotus’ but ‘caldron’ or ‘steamer’ was not small Sinocentrism that depreciate the scenery of the season in Japan but just a way of delivering the shape better to the people who did not see Mt. Fuji. In the same context, Mt. Baekdu was mentioned after they looked at the snow on the summit of Mt. Fuji was not intended to contend for superiority by comparing celebrated mountains of the two countries but a figure of speech to clearly reveal the fact that the summit is white, where show is accumulated like Mt. Baekdu. In the meantime, the envoys in the late Joseon dynasty exchanged questions and answers with Japanese literary workers or interpreters in order to resolve the suspicion concerning the height of Mt. Fuji or snow in the summit, which is differently recorded by each previous record by the envoys and tried to record objectively, correcting the existing information or taking an appropriate reason based on that. Through this process, the envoys established simple information about Mt. Fuji into knowledge about Japan they obtained objectivity, while they were not trapped in a certain thought or ideology. Consequently, the discussion about Mt. Fuji of the envoys in the late Joseon dynasty was not an intention to ignore or look down on Japan as barbarian but a part of an effort to recognize it as a diplomatic partner objectively and accurately from an open perspective.

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Chosentsushinshi visited Ainoshima island of Fukuoka clan (currently Fukuoka ken Kasaya gun Shingu town) eleven times at the Edo era, the historical spots related with Chosentsushinshi were remained such as the dockland of Chosentsushinshi’s landing and the guest house, the well etc. But the islanders of Ainoshima are not widely known that historical spots, we have some questions why Chosentsushinshi historical spots could’t be well known to Ainoshima residents. In October 2010, Ainoshima Historical Association took a notice of the remains on the island in connection with Chosentsushinshi, payed the attention to the stone monuments(石碑) and the Jizo(地 藏) of Yurikoshihama(百合越濱) and took a gruel. As the result, the letters of "Korean come" can be read clearly, and the monument was set up as the drowning memory of 61 peoples on July of Kyoho 4(1719) by the records of seven ancient documents. As the result, it turned out that the Ainoshima islanders kept records about the thoughts and busts of the Chosentsushinshi, mainly on relics of Jinguji(神宮寺). I examined the artifacts and historical materials related with Chosentsushinshi, how the Ainoshima islanders of those days were in contact with them. The plinth was erected near the stone monument on 1720 year which was passed one year from the drowning accident. Moreover, it is very significant and highly valuable that we are kept donating 61 dignity as "Nagare Kanjyo" every August. I learned of this catastrophe in the record of the Korean official which was called Kim gunguan(金軍官), and it was written that he was much sorry and surprise for mourning. I would introduce documents related with Chosentsushinshi such as "Abenoshima Anakannon Ransho(阿部嶋窟観音濫觴)" of the Jinguji Temple of Ainoshima, "Eight Dragon King Festival(八大龍王祭)" which was transferred to the island from the old days, "The Shoyatomegaki(庄屋留書)"　which was made the documents by Shoya(庄屋) of the headman of village", "the memorandum gusho (備忘愚抄)," which was the memorandum of government officials" of Early Modern Era. By the documents, the islanders were mentioned that they had very closely contact with Chosentsushinshi, but now the Chosentsushinshi Cultural signs are not transmitted in Ainoshima. I would like to continue working about this questions and problems from now on.

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This article examines the preoccupied worldviews of Joseon's teaching theory and Japan's introduction to the world, centering on the topic of 'communication', which means 'through faith' And to find the answer to the recreation of the new world through the literature imagined outside the system of the two countries. As a part of this, I paid attention to the phenomenon of contact between the two countries, which was inevitably occurred in Japan and the attendants who participated in the national events by the Joseon Dynasties. The contact made in the limited time and space condition is to avoid the creation of the discourse of the rational discourse of traditional diplomatic discourse which is the meaning of the object of the two cultures, the other, and to look at the new point of the commoner literary experience. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Joseon developed the original culture of the Joseon Dynasty and believed that the Joseon Dynasty enjoyed the most superior culture in the world at that time. If Joseon Dynasty was the process of accepting and understanding the Chinese culture, Chineseism) with the spirit of the times. The three countries of Joseon, China, and Japan established a long period of peace, and they were able to devote themselves to the construction of a neo-classical ideal state based on the stable international situation. Woo Kyung-sup also stated that the Confucian intellectuals had erased the responsibility of the destruction of the dynasties of nationalist historians who made critical insights into the situation of Joseon, which had fallen into colonial rule. In the early 1980s, Choi, Wan-Soo's positive evaluation and perception were newly attempted. The consciousness of selfconsciousness of the native culture of the 18th century, that is, after the fall of Korea, Joseon was the sole enemy of the lord and the consciousness of the contemporaries that Joseon regarded as neutralization. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court granted the historical value of 'Joseon Sinocenttrism' as a central ideological role that penetrated throughout the late Joseon Dynasty and systematized the concrete development of the post-Joseon Chinese ideology in terms of political thought. The development of Chinese thought in the late Joseon Dynasty is not a product of socialism such as the myths of the past but a source of cultural pride that succeeded in the reign of the Chinese who replaced Chung after the destruction of the world. And the need to reassess historical meaning. The meaning of 'Joseon Sinocenttrism' in this essay, while acknowledging the conclusion of the concept of 'Joseon Sinocenttrism' and the criticism raised in various aspects about the consciousness of the problem, also means 'Joseon Sinocenttrism' It is in conformity with the essay of this article to be interpreted as Joseon which is proud of Chinese. It can be said that the Japanese recognition of the Joseon correspondent of the past is due to excessive prejudice that the one-sided view of society and the level of their culture are seen extremely low. Korea emphasizes its character as a "cultural envoy" sent as part of its teachings, and Japan understands the diplomatic rituals of its telecommunications company as a "celebration of the crowd of generals" in relation to its own political forces and as political envoys. In other words, in order to actively cope with the change of the international order that was restructured after Byungjahoran (the Second Manchu invasion of Korea;1636), Joseon decided to send a "news agency" to secure peace in the south. However, on the basis of the cultural superiority, the purpose of 'teaching' was strong because of the combination of 'small - China consciousness, Joseon Sinocenttrism' based on cultural superiority. In particular, the character of the culture as a "Korean wave of Japanese culture" constitutes the mainstream of the evaluations of telcos. Japan, on the other hand, emphasized that Japan welcomed the telecommunications company and became Japan's top ruler and diplomat, as an internationally recognized official of the Tokugawa shogunate(徳川幕”), and showed his political superiority to domestic princes. In addition, based on the international order in Northeast Asia, we do not evaluate the telecommunication books, but rather evaluate the telecommunications companies in the Joseon Dynasty in the "Japanese style order". Miyake Hidetoshi (三宅英利) said, "In Japan, after the Edo era, it became an opportunity to establish a military supremacy for the various nations of the continent to the Japanese. It expanded the historical supremacy hall (Shinhwa legend, Imna Ilbu headquarters, Shilla tributary) It was reflected in the policy of the aftermath, which gave historical rationality to the diplomatic sensation based on the military power, and it formed the logic to justify the continental invasion. Confucianism must be presupposed after the Imjinwaeran (Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592) and Jungyujaeran(Japanese Second Invasion of Korea in 1597), which directly influence the telecommunications industry. As world view was the same as the ruling ideology of the Tokugawa shogunate, Fujiwara Seika(藤原惺 窩), Hayashi Razan(林羅山), Yamazaki Ansai(山崎闇斎) etc. of the Korean Zhu Jing school evaluated the study of Lee Hsien as a doctrine. A lot of Japanese Confucians and Buddhists came to the guesthouse of the Joseon Communication Office and its attendants, and they received the teachings of Toegye and welcomed the messengers as messengers of culturally advanced countries. However, there were Confucian scholars who disagreed. Let them develop their attitudes toward the so-called dualism centered on the following representative Confucian scholars. It is interesting how the Japanese formal poetry literature haiku was presented to the Korean news agency. Maeda Shigemichi, the ninth lord of the Kaga clan, who received a commemorative gift of souvenirs from the shogunate, was the most famous woman in the modern era of Japan. He was a haiku poet, Kagano Chiyo- Is the first person in the history of visiting telecommunication companies to put the commoner literature haiku of Japan in the public literary space. Matsuo Basho and Yosabuson in the private literary space sang Joseon news agency, but the public appearance of Haiku may be the personal intention of Maeda Shigemichi, I would like to pay attention to the point of excavation of Japanese culture which did not abolish. In fact, there were some people who enjoyed waka and haikai. For example, Park Duk-won, a vocalist who performed the telecommunications company in 1748(Hyeong-1), translated the song and haikai freely. According to the names of telecom attendants (Jin Young-mi) appearing in Joseon and the Japanese literature, it is regrettable that the name of Park is not shown. Therefore, I think that the existence of Pak Deokwon is not a backdoor party but a communist party. I would like to be an anonymous educator of a communication group symbolized by 'Pak Deukwon', who is considered to be considered an extraordinary work that simultaneously performed the duties of a diplomat and an interpreter in order to deepen understanding of Japanese culture. It can be said that the late Joseon and Japan both had time to confirm themselves through the experiences of other as a communication company. It attempted to solve the misunderstanding of Joseon and Japan by literary imagination, escaping the symmetrical political diplomacy discourse that inherited the reappearance and merging of closed history. And to reconstruct the literary discourse on a level different from the international situation in East Asia that has penetrated modern times. Though it is a destiny that can only be broken by eternal parallels, we have to find a single point of contact. It did not form a gigantic discourse, and it can be said that it originated from the simplistic literary demand of nature and life from the bottom.

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The Rite of Passage presents differently depending on lifestyle, social system and living habits. Especially in Japan which is located geographically close to Korea, their rites of passage have many heterogeneities compare to Korea. Those points are illustrated well in Sahaengrok that written by Jeseon-Tongsinsa in late Joseon. This paper examined Japan's rites of passage on the Gyemi-sahaeng, 1764. Tongsinsa often considered Japanese as savage barbarians when after they carefully considering their rites of passage. This is because they looked at Japan's custom with their own confucian view so that they deplored about the absence of confucian order in Japan. By far, we could understand culture and custom of Japanese and also could have a sense of Tongsinsa's recognition to them. Since the Sahaengrok is, however, written by observer's view and recorded through questions and answers, it is unfortunate that the details of rites and orders are mostly omitted.

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