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Tongsinsa and Busan are closely related. Busan was the final destination of domestic routes for Tongsinsa and a departure point for Japan and stopover point when returning from Japan. Therefore , Tongsinsa made the last check for the preparations for the traveling before leaving for Japan. In addition to checking the status of the ship , which will carry the delegates, they coordinated with the Japanese shogunate about the traveling schedule and confirmed the national books and gifts to be delivered to Japan. Besides, they also created and shared bans and treaties to minimize conflicts between the Japanese people and Tongsinsa and internal disputes between the delegates , which may arise in the course of traveling. In addition , various rituals and inclinations were held to comfort the efforts of Tongsinsa attendants and to pray for the safe return. Especially, Haesinje( 海神쫓) and Jeonbyeol-yeon( 廳別흥) were performed in Busan. In the absence of such a formal schedule, attendants visited Chungyeol-sa( 忠烈폐). assuring what they had to do as envoys and they pledged their attitude toward Japan by looking at the monuments related to the ImjinC 王辰) War that were built a11 over Busan. Meanwhile , Tongsinsa attendants spent their time visiting HaeundaeC 海雲출) , MolwoondaeC 沒雲臺)， and TaejongdaeC 太宗臺) to enjoy the beautiful scenery of Busan. Haeundae , Molwoondae, and Taejongdae were not a11 in the same shape, which gave them a completely different enjoyment, a11eviating the arduousness of the trip. As such, Busan was a place for the attendants to complete their travel preparations and to recognize their mission as an ambassador going to a foreign country under the king ’ s order. It was also a place providing them with the pleasure of traveling that they had never experienced before. And these experiences of Tongsinsa are recorded in the Tongsinsahaengrok( 通信使行錄) and have been passed down up to now. In order to better i11uminate Busan’ s location , it is necessary to conduct research on the newly discovered and translated Tongsinsahangrok, as we11 as the ''Haehangchongjae (，海行總載') ':‘

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The materials on the Joseon Tongsinsa for which Korea and Japan jointly applied in March 2016 were registered in the UNESCO Memory of the World at the end of October 2017, and two years have already passed. The details registered are 333 pieces in 111 items in total from Korea and Japan. From Fukuoka Prefecture, 15 pieces in 1 item of Fukuoka Domain in Horeki Year and 6 pieces in 1 item of Ogasawara Domain. This study followed the truth of the Vice-Envoy Ship Accident from the registered record of Fukuoka Domain during the age of Horel이. The Vice-Envoy Ship Accident has been discussed in the past, but this time, discussions in Joseon’s TongsÍnsa RegÍstratÍon and Tokugawa Clan’s Tokugawa JJkkÍ and new perspectives were added to discuss that. The Vice-Envoy Ship of Horel이 Year went up to Torodo Isobu near a big wharf in dark heavy seas, and a number of things, like the scrolls of diplomatic gifts. Arguing that the accident was because no tug boat came, Envoy Jo Eom refused to receive greetings, precious items, and food ingredients after arriving the wharf. In the meantime, Tsushima and Fukuoka Domain attempted to interview in various ways, but Jo Eom’s rage did not disappear, and the refusal continued for 4 days. There is no record of negotiation for 4-5 days in the Tsushima Domain Head Family’s Diary, either. Jo Eom who became cold-hearted thought about the subsequent things and had an interview with Sotsushimanogami. Sotsushimanogami apologized by submitting a request for reconciliation that recognized the mistake in accompaniment as protection. Opening up his heart, Jo Eom took food ingredients and precious items, etc. He asked for repairing the Vice-Envoy Ship, but it became a water supply ship and was disassembled. The members were sent back to Joseon. Renting a boat from Fukuoka Domain, he kept on taking a boat trip to Osaka. As a result of a discussion on this Accident in various directions, it was found that Envoy Jo Eom pointed out the fault of the material of the helm of the boat and submitted a document asking the person in charge of Dongnae-bu for improvement. Viewed on both sides of Joseon and Japan, it is judged that the Vice-Envoy Ship Accident handling is a complicated man-made accident due to the boat' s structural failure (helm), Tsushima boatman’s mistake in managing the boat and low morale in addition to natural disasters such as black night, strong wind, heavy seas, and ebb tide. It is judged that Tsushima Domain that did not insist on the reason for not providing a tug boat felt the lack of the boatman’s competence. AIso, it is judged that the Tsushima Domain felt like heading to Edo as soon as possible. Joseon and Fukuoka Domain both had this same thought. The document sent to the Shogunate by Tsushima Domain and Fukuoka Domain, nothing disadvantageous for Japan and Joseon was written. Tsushima Domain made two kinds of internal records, which was the craft of diplomacy. Fukuoka Domain went through with the document that it never caused the accident, and that was unexpected(force majeure), and the document submitted to the Shogunate by Tsushima Domain was the same as that of Fukuoka Domain. In addition, as a result of sojourning on Aizima for 24 days, a cultural interchange, rich in content was made, and Nanmei Kamei, who had been unknown, debuted at the age of 21 , recognized by Joseon Scholar Kim In-gyeom. He was a Tongsinsa sojourning for a long time, which became the cause of the extreme financial difficulties, but culturally brought about a lot of jewelry to Fukuoka Domain.

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Through Joseon Tongsinsa(通信使) Haengryeoldo, appearance of diplomatic mission dispatched to Japan can be examined. The purposes of this research are to make Korea National Museum possessed supposed to be produced by Joseon painter among them as the subject and investigate the period of production. Until now, this work was named as and proudced in 1636. However, in consideration of the dispatching period of yangui( 良醫)， 3 seogi( 書記)， and 3 suyuk (首譯) that are appeared in actual work, there is an opinion to be produced after the 18th century. Based on the precedent studies, scene structure and parade structure will be examined by focusing on the Joseon Tongsinsa parade so as to reveal , a collection of National Museum of Korea. The scene was divided by 1-3 and parade structure and direction of each composition were examined. Parade structure is total 3 lines; upper side, middle side and lower side. Among them, middle line shows wonyuk of Joseon Tongsinsa partially, so in this case, it was considered to be 2 lines. Therefore, 1 composition gisu. akdae line was 2 and 2 composition gukseogama parade was cosnidered to be same. But, 이 (triangle) structure focusing on gukseogama shows bilateral symmetry and parade structure changes 3 lines. It is shown in 3 composition samsasin gama focusing parade. Gama parade of jeongsa( 正使)， busa( 副使)， and jongsagwan( 從事官) is same D(pantagon) structure and gama parade of sangsanggwan( 上上官) and sanggwan(上官) is connected. Among them, sanggwan gama is repeated by 이 (triangle) structure samely. Parade direction is left( 左向) and examined mainly in banchado of ~Joseon royal family uigue .JJ (hereinafter referred to as uigue). And banchado produced after the 18th century was compared with clothes and all sorts of medical materials of wonyuk of Joseon Tongsinsa and parade structure was examined. As a result , it was similar to Korea National Museum possessed and including Jeongjo went to Hyunryungwon , a tomb of sadoseja, located in Hwaseong, in 1795. Therefore , this work seems to follow the form of uigue published banchado and produced in the latter of the 18th century.

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Joseon Tongsinsa of Bunka Year 8 Sinmi(181 1), exchanged credentials on Tsushima, a border island. Accordingly, the Tongsinsa party just traveled back and forth between Gyeongseong and Tsushima, and the itinerary was greatly reduced. Meanwhile , the Japanese Shogunate’s Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara, the Lord of Kokura Domain producing 150,000 seok of rice, traveled back and forth between Edo and Tsushima. Concerning Tongsinsa in the Bunka Era , it is necessary to investigate the Japanese envoy party. Thus, this study would investigate and verify the movements/roles of Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara and the Kokura Domain party. The roles given by the Shogunate for Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara and Kokura Domain included preparing a ship traveling to Tsushima, leading about 1,500 manservants including crewmen, shuttling between Edo and Tsushima and holding a series of rites thoroughly. Thus , this role was completed by Tadakata and Kokura Domain. This burden was never light and converted at least to 230,000 nyang in money terms. It is assumed that most of the gold and silver reserved by the Kokura Domain were used. And yet, it is assumed that disposition for “Black & White Fuss," a fuss in the family ended up light because of the achievement of playing the big role. By receiving(exchanging diplomatic gifts with) Tongsinsa in the Bunka Era, Shogunate’s burden was reduced. That did not necessarily reduce all the burden of lapan, and in particular, it was a heavy burden for Kokura of which the Lord was Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara. And yet, after completing the envoy’s roles, Kokura Domain suffered financial difficulties, but even the people who actually bore the burden as Tadataka Ogasawara took on the envoy’s roles recognized the envoy’s roles in receiving Tongsinsa as the highest honor. In addition, as a result of an analysis of the concrete examples of the contact between Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara staying on Tsushima and Tongsinsa based on the historical materials of Ogasawara Clan of Kokura, Tadataka received Tongsinsa after meticulous preparatíon. Moreover, Hikotake Ishikawa, a Confucian scholar of Kokura Domain and employer exchanged poems with the Tongsinsa people. ludging from that, a group of Envoy Tadataka Ogasawara arrived after a group of Tongsinsa, and the group of Tongsinsa left Tsushima first before returning home, not to neglect reception/interchange but it was a result of their effort to faithfully perform the roles given from the Shogunate.

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This study examines original documents of the negotiation between Tsushima-Clan and Korean government, of the cooperation between Tsushima-Clan and Hagi (Möri)-Clan of Korean correspondent envoy in the 13th year of Hðrekl; in 1763, which reached to Edo for the last time. It discusses the meaning of the Korean correspondent envoy and the reason of their suspension from the viewpoint of the political system of the Shogunate State of those days. In the first chapter, it argues the reception of Daimyös for the Korean Correspondent Envoy in the 13th year of HðrekÍ, in 1763, by the documents of Hagi(Möri)-Clan to conclude that they were afraid to make unexpected precedent and they became conceited from their abundant records of experience. Beyond the royalties for Tokugawa Shogunate, sympathy arouse among Daimyös who were engaged in the reception under the administration of Shogunate in place of disappear of circumspection for the reception of Korean correspondent envoy. On the other hand, the order of the Shogunate was given to the lord of Tsushima and the chief retamer of Tsushima-Clan m Edo. It reflects the administration of Shogunate and the relation between Shogunate and Tsushima- Clan in the middle of the eighteenth century. In the second chapter, the government officials of Tourajf u(Foreign Office at Dongnea) intended to keep their precedent to avoid to make undesirable precedent while the officials responsible of Tsuahima-Clan would restrict the precedent to the phase of documents and ceremomes and they asserted that the number of semor councilors had to be changed m the feudal system of the Shogunate state different from the bureaucracy of the dynasty of Korea to achieve their demand on the presents from Korea to the Shogunate. It shows an evidence that the diplomatic system of Korean correspondent envoy reached a dead end at m 1763. Also in 1763, independent judgment of Tsushima-Clan was disappeared as opposed to absolutely depend on the ambassadors were seemed to had final right of decide on Korean side.

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It is said that Japan and Korea in the early-modern times had a ‘friendship’ relations for 260 years. One of the symbols was the Joseon delegation sent by Joseon to Japan. In 1811 , the final, the 12th Joseon delegations CTongsinsa) visited Tsushima. It was 24 years after shogun Ienari assumed the position of the 11th. Counting from the previous delegations, 47 years passed. The 12th Tongsinsa was also different from the previous ones in that the sovereign’s letters were exchanged in Tsushima instead of in Edo. Most of the research on the negotiations over the 12th Korean delegation still relied on the study by Tabohashi Kiyoshi. However, especially in recent years, an analysis of the Korean letters exchanged between the Korean interpreters and the Japanese ones had been progressing, and it showed what kind of exchanges were actually made regarding the negotiations at the forefront between Japan and Korea . In the historical materials written by Oda Ikugoro , an interpreter who did the prior discussion of the negotiations, he recorded a 10t of the actua1 exchanges that were not seen in the officia1 records of the Busan Weagwan, the forefront of dip1omacy. Therefore, in this paper, 1’d 1ike to confirm the issues being dea1t with by the Tsushima clan, the Korean dynasty, and the Edo shogunate re1ated to the negotiations, and clarify the activities of interpreters in Weagwan, based on the record of the ‘fie1d’ of negotiations over the Korean de1egation. Then 1 tried to draw the aspects of Japan-Korea exchange in Weagwan, which supports the negotiation, to clarify the rea1ity of Japan-Korea dip10macy from the end of the 18 century to the beginning of the 19 century. Unlike the usual route of instructions and orders, the negotiation of the 12th Joseon delegations was carried out secretly. An influential person of the Korean Dynasty ordered the interpreters to do so. As a result, when the key pillars had died, the negotiations stalled. Moreover, a case that some dip10matic documents were forged by the interpreters was revealed, and the negotiations got stuck. On the other hand, in Japan, Karos, chief retainers of the Tsushima clan, who followed the shogunate’s intention, ordered a certain interpreters to negotiate in the forefront. Because they as well did not take the usual route of command, a power struggle within the clan affected the negotiations. In the end, the shogunate intervened to suppress the forces of the opponents. The political stability of the two countries had allowed making good progress on the negotiations. In the background, however, there was a cooperative relationship between Korean and Japanese interpreters. They negotiated secretly with sharing information in depth, sometimes ousted the other interpreters who were interrupting the negotiations, and even collaborated to forge leUers to accomplish their aims. These relationships between interpreters were created through daily exchanges. Sometimes they treat yangban who visited Weagwan ‘to see the Japanese' generously. It lead to some knowledge about the ‘behavior of Japanese' to yangban in the short term, but also lead to connections between yanban and interpreters in the long term. Behind the diplomatic negotiations, there was the ‘effort’ in the ‘field' . The diplomacy was supported by the connections between people who worked at the forefront of both countries.

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The history of Korea’s ships begins with a log raft, and the development of tools shows a log ship dug up inside the log, and develops into a quasi-structural ship that digs through the log and aUaches several to each other. Afterwards, the curved natural wood is refined to fit the structure, and it is developed into a structural ship that aUaches itself to each other and closes the wooden nails. The perfect type of structural ship was not only developed on the coast of Korea, but also on cultural exchanges with China and Japan through the sea route. Among them, the Joseon Tongsinsa ship was built and operated by a country that engaged in cultural exchanges between Korea and Japan during the Joseon Dynasty. During the four-year period from 2015 to 2018, this document summarizes and describes the details of ancient document and painting data analysis, two types of estimation design, execution design for reproducibility, shipbuilding engineering analysis for navigation performance and stability, and structure.

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Although many studies are devoted to the historical record of the diplomatic envoys of the Joseon dynasty, few have investigated their involvement in the history of ceramics. Hence, this study examined the type and the significance of a kiln site of the 17th century and that of the white porcelain unearthed at Shiomi Tamon Yaguradai, Edo-castle and Naniwabetsuin, Osaka, both of which are important historical sites related to diplomatic envoys of the Joseon dynasty in Japan. White porcelain found at Shiomi Tamon Yaguradai, Edo-castle was thought to be a byproduct of imperial kilns from the second half of 16th century to early 17th century and kilns in Gyeongsangnam-do. Its characters appeared to be similar to those on tea ceremony utensils used as ritual vessels during the first half of the 17th century. They were believed to be either closely related to the Confucian ritual vessels used by the Shogun Tokugawa, during whose reign the commissioning of ritual vessels and ritual ceremonies in Nikkosan reached new heights, or to the white porcelain pots used to present honey to the Shogun as a gift. Joseon white porcelain found in Naniwabetsuin, Osaka is thought to be from Gyeongsangnam-do and was either brought there by diplomatic envoys as a “ tea bowl" or was possibly used as “ tableware" by envoys in that particular region, as observed in historical records. Regarding further research in ceramic history, first, an issue remains regarding the chronology of 17th-century white porcelain from Gyeongsangnam-do, which was an area frequented by these diplomatic envoys, and second, there is a need to increase materials based on academic excavations. Regarding the study of diplomatic envoys, the best approach is to perhaps deepen our understanding of ceramics as an essential cultural component that could provide empirical testimonies to a vast amount of historical records. Finally, further research in various fields , including archaeology, art history, and philological studies, could focus on ceramics in relation to these diplomatic envoys.

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