When an infectious disease was raging, Korean doctors as a member of ‘JoseonTongsinsa(朝鮮通信使)’ delegation visited Edo(江戶). Korean and Japanese doctors tried hard to overcome infectious disease through the medical exchange in ‘JoseonTongsinsa’ delegation. In the course of developing the field of contagious disease in Japan, I think the medical exchange between Korean and Japanese doctors as a part of ‘JoseonTongsinsa’ contribute the success of academic and clinical progress in medical field. ‘Nochae(勞瘵)’ is an infectious disease and similar to tuberculosis. Japanese doctors asked Korean doctors lots of questions on ‘Nochae’ in medical exchange in ‘JoseonTongsinsa’ delegation. To state the obvious, they paid attention to the ‘Nochae’ Restricted to the 18th century, ‘Nochae’ disease was the subject it’s never omitted in ‘medical questions and answers’ between Korean and Japanese doctors every ‘JoseonTongsinsa’ dispatch. I assured Japanese steady interest about ‘Nochae’ disease through this research. The attention concerning ‘Nochae’ disease lasted to the end of the delegation. First of all, the ‘medical questions and answers’ on ‘Nochae’ in Sinmyo(辛卯) envoys served as a role model for other envoys. Because Gidoomoon(奇斗文)’s explanation in ‘medical questions and answers’ in SinMyo envoys on ‘Nochae’ was too short, Gwondo(權道)’s answer in Gihae(己亥) envoys was judged more detail and improvement medically than Gidoomoon’s. Gwondo’s answer in Gihae envoys is also fragmentary, therefore, it is difficult to make a full evaluation. But, at least the medical exchange in Gihae envoys more than that in Sinmyo envoys has shown improving medical standard. At that time of Mujin(戊辰) envoys, ‘Gobangpa(古方派)’ tendency doctors began taking part in the medical questions and answers. In Gyemi(癸未) envoys, fifteen years later from Mujin envoys, the academic trends of Japanese doctors have diversified. At this time of Gyemi envoys, Japanese doctors participated in the medical questions and answers actively used the records of medical questions and answers related ‘Nochae’ in previous envoys. For example, Treating the ‘Nochae’ in the medical questions and answers of Gyemi envoys, Dr. YokotaJunta(橫田準大) refer to ‘Chaessisahwahyeol (崔氏四花穴)’ moxibustion treatment. I think these are most clearly reflected in the medical questions and answers mentioned about ‘Chaessisahwahyeol’ moxibustion treatment in Mujin envoys. This is the example that inform us how Japanese doctors should use the records of medical questions and answers related ‘Nochae’ in previous envoys. We tend to think the people who participated in ‘medical questions and answers’ of ‘JoseonTongsinsa’ are only doctors without exception. Because of the questions and answers related medical, we take it for granted that the participant in medical questions and answers are only doctors. Nevertheless, according to the records remaining medical questions and answers in the medical exchange between Korean and Japanese doctors, that’s not necessarily the case. In the case of Japanese participants, there were quite a few cases in which men of letters not doctors participated in the ‘medical questions and answers’ related common disease. On some occasion, the medical questions and answers on general disease was carried out by only men of letters comprised of both Korean and Japan. People who participated in the medical questions and answers on ‘Nochae’ disease was no exception. Only doctors were present in the medical questions and answers on ‘Nochae’ disease. I estimate the subject related ‘Nochae’ disease among medical questions and answers requires a lot of professionality. Lastly, I assured to be a very basic error in the manuscript records of medical questions and answers related ‘Nochae’. Whatever the reason, there are wrong letters in Sanghanpilyeo (桑韓筆語) which is made up of the medical questions and answers on ‘Nochae’ in Gyemi envoys.

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The documents of Chosentsusinshi between Japan and Korea was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage site 4 years ago. But the designation as a UNESCO World Heritage site is New Beginning Not the End, we should keep in mind to discover the new documents and materials. The Chosentsusinshi Framed Picture of Kameyiin(亀井院) was discovered newly at Takisannji(瀧山寺) of the old temple of Okazaki City of Aichiken of Japan, 3 years ago(2018). Kameyiin was one of many tatchūs(塔頭) in Takisannji. Takisannji has been existed from 7th century. The Framed Picture was writing by Lee Sam Seok(李三錫) of the 7th Chosentsusinshi delegation by analysis. After 90- years, the Framed Picture of Chosentsusinshi was discoverd in Aichiken newly. It was guessed such as receiving from Chosentsusinshi by the chief priest of Seiryuin(青龍院) serving with Takisannji headmaster during Edo period. On the one hand, Framed Picture of Kochuzi(廣忠寺) of Okazaki City was disclosed such as Sakai Tadazumi(酒井忠 恭) of Himezi Lord(姫路藩主) in 2020. That item was supposed the Framed Picture of　Kim Sibok(金時璞) of the 8th Chosentsusinshi delegation until this very day. Kochuzi of Okazaki City was built to commemorate his father called Matsudaira-Hirotada(松平廣忠) by Tokugawa Ieyasu(徳川家康). The Framed Picture of Kochuzi was changed in 1752. The unfixed Framed Picture of Kochuzi was missing, the genuine writing of Kim Sibok was remained such as a scroll. The box of the scroll was decorated by Aoi-Mon(徳川家紋の葵紋), and was filed with the documents called the memoir receiving by the 6th Shogun Tokugawa Ienobu(徳川家宣). The genuine writing of Kim Sibok was confirmed by his seal, but we should examine several issues such as the connection of Kochuzi and Shogun’s family, and the reason of the changing Framed Picture by Kochuzi(廣忠寺) etc. Especially One citizen called Oda Akie(小田章恵) played an very important role of precious discover in Takisannji and Kochuzi at this time. When we have to open the Chosentsusinshi documents of UNESCO World Heritage Site to much more people, not blocking between professional researcher, the significance of the World Memory of UNESCO would be expanded. The role of grassroots researcher would be expected very much.

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This study aims to discover some historical meanings of the paintings exchange between Joseon and Japan through Tongsinsa, by exammmg the paintings and records about 7th(1 682) , 8th(l 71 1) and 9th(1719) Tongsinsa(the Korean envoy) dispatched from the late 17th to the early 18th century. Such paintings regarding Tongsinsa-Haeng, a foreign envoy, were not only mere art works, but also diplomatic measures. They also served as instruments of basic works for collecting data and accommodating civilized systems, with their functions as recording paintings and have a variety of values as historical materials( 밍料). The paintings have an organic correlation with envoy trips and they, as well as the remammg records about the envoy trips are also highly valued as historical materials with which the social interactions between Joseon envoys and Japanese personnel who welcome them. This study aUempted to understand the historical meanings of such painting materials and related records , about Tongsinsa-Haeng during the 1ate Joseon. dynasty, by using them as main historica1 materia1s and high1ighting them in terms of the history of cll1tura1 exchanges, rather than conducting an ana1ysis of the art history. For the Tongsinsa-Haeng, Jesu1gwan( 製述官) responsib1e for cu1tura1 exchange was new1y appointed and dispatched, and there were three Tongsinsa-Haengs: the 7th (Imsu1, 1682) envoy trip in which Pi1damchanghwajip were activ1y issued in Japan; the 8th (Sinmyo , 1711) in which 1arge paintings about parades on 1and and sea were created; and the 9th CGihae‘ 1719) in which the old custom of 1682 in the procedures for Tongsinsa dip10macy was recovered. In this climate, 18 pieces of paintings about Tongsinsa-Haeng have been created for 1ess than 40 years. Among them 11 pieces of recording paintings can be sub-divided into 4 paintings about parades on 1and, 4 paintings abollt parades on sea and 3 portraits for recording; 7 pieces of exchanging paintings into 2 Gosa portraits, 1 Hwajoyeongmo, 3 1andscape paintings and 1 Four Gracious P1ants. A11 of the recording paintings, which accounts for the highest ratio among a11 paintings can be found to document a 10t of contents regarding the parades of Tongsinsa and Joseon at that time , as they were created by Japan. Among the exchanging paintings, Jo Taeeok’s , a Gosa portrait, 1andscape paintings, Hwajoyeongmo and Four Gracious P1ants are gardening p1ants based on Sung Confucianism. In particular, the paintings with the themes of landscapes and reclusion could not be discovered in previous cnvoy trips , indicating that Sung Confucianism began to have an important effect on even the exchange of paintings. In addition, it is also valuable to note that the paintings created by Japan as presents for Joseon, such as Gano Hidebu’s , which describes the battle scene experienced by Minamoto Dametomo [源寫朝]， a Japanese historic figure , have the themes of Japanese historic contents.

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There were geopolitical and cultural-historic characteristics that pre-modern East Asia was consisted of the area which China locates the center of and the peripheral part. It is needless to say that their relations had often changed by the political and cultural relationship , or the historical and geographical factors. Especially Korea-which has been located in the east end of the Asian Continent and keeping its own aesthetic consciousness and the standard of conduct while being influenced by political situation of China Empire- and Japan -which have had no major influence by the tributary system as it has been the insular country- have been constructed their own cultural system while making choices of central cultures. In this paper, 1 show the process that Landscape painting, which are characteristic genre of the paintings in the East Asia and the cultural activity, developed independently in Japan and Korea while focusing on the cultural-historic relationships between central and peripheral parts. Also. 1 make positions of Mt. Fuji and Mt. Kumgang which shows mentalities of Korean and J apanese as the icons of both communities. Finally, 1 discuss how they functioned on the Korean envoys to Japan as the good-neighbor policy.

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The encounter with "Finger painting, on Korean painting" in "Taishu Souvenir Book" was an opportunity to revisit the issues that had been piled up so far, and to change the perspective. The history of being introduced as a treasure of Kenninji Ryosokuin can be said to be one of the routes of the introduction of Korean paintings in Japan, and the existence of theTaishu Iteian rotation system can be positioned as a document for manuscripts. Then, the question about the exchange at Honkokuji is that the feast who went from Yamatokoriyama to Honkokuji in Kyoto was Nobutoki Yanagisawa, the second feudal lord, and the theory that Yanagisawa Kien also participated as a feast is lacking in the source, but the image Can be done. However, at present, the role of the feast of Honkokuji Temple in Kyoto in the 5th year of Enkyo is Nobuaki Yanagisawa, and 1 would like to make further efforts to discover historica1 materia1s. As for who refers to the forehead "Kien" written by Park Tokwon, there is confirmation that the possibi1ity of Minagawa Kien is the same as the 15th year of Minagawa Kien, according to the epitaph. The fact that the content of the inscription a1so made a name for itself overseas, that is, in Korea, is a category that can be convinced even if it is a slight1y exaggerated expression. And, a1though 1 can’t find the finger painting itse1f, about the printed book pub1ished by Choi Buk and the painter Lee Seongrin who came to Japan for the fifth year of Enkyo. The fact that the existence of Choi-Buk, who 1ived in Korea, was recognized in Japanese paintings, which main1y focused on Chinese paintings, was due to the demands and desires of painters in modern paintings and the tastes that the Japanese side wanted. 1 wonder if there was. Not on1y the abi1ity of the painter but a1so the existence of peop1e who enjoyed seeing it is important for the deve10pment of paintings. It seems that there was a1so the action of the eyes of the Kyoto townspeop1e and merchants, and not a11 the painters were interested in the arts that the painters had, and they were a1so very interested in the sty1e of painting as we11 as the technique. It is thought that there was an excessive effect of pursuing new things, or the fact that Kyoto was a p1ace where new things were happy.

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As the written conversation anthology of Chosõn’s 1763 mission to Japan, and the eleventh such mission, Ryököyowa (Lingering Conversations Between Two Friendly Neighbors, 兩好餘話) is notable for having more written conversations on various topics than others of its kind. 1t thus demands the attention of scholars, and as such this study examines the source’s structure and content to highlight its research value. Ryököyowa compiles conversations Japanese literati such as Okuda Mototsugu( 典田元繼)， Ku Sadakane(魔貞讓)， and Katsu Genshaku(勝元繹) had with members of the 1763 Chosõn mission. This study broke down and analyzed the book’s structure and content in four aspects. First, it examined the perception of Chosõn and the mission shared by Okuda and his peers in the book’ s forewords and afterword. Next, it observed the opinions of the author Okuda on scholarship and literature, as well as the response of the Chosõn scholars. The study then surveyed the works mentioned in Ryököyowa and focused on conversations on exchanging information and commentaries regarding them. Finally, the study investigated questions of historical research regarding customs, systems, and local products in the book. Ultimately the study demonstrates that Ryõkõyowa is valuable as a source for five reasons. First, as the book is mainly composed of written conversations, it arranges them by topic and then lists the conversations as entries. Second, the two forewords and afterword are interesting for simultaneously envying the dress and literary Sinitic skills of the Chosõn envoys while belittling their poetry. Third, although Okuda Mototsugu, the book’s author, was known to be a Neo-Confucian, the book reveals he respected the scholarship of Dazai Shundai of the Sorai school, an example unique only to this written conversation anthology. Fourth, the Ryõkõyowa cites various works from China, Chosõn, and Japan, illustrating the intellectual roadways Japanese scholars acquired through Chosõn, as well their reading preferences. Fifth, although other anthologies also have conversations on the customs, systems, and local products of Chosõn and Japan, this book covers a wide range of topics and attempts to be historically accurate by including many references. Lastly, the book is also valuable for having the written conversations of one of late Chosõn’s important literati, namely the poet Yi Onchin. In addition, Ryõkõyowa contains many other conversations on topics sure to interest other scholars in related fields. It is bound to be a valuable source for future research on Chosõn missions and other such areas.

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